We are living in an era when protest, social justice movements, and raising awareness of social problems has become the norm. It is difficult to scroll through one’s social media account and not see an article about a group of people on any side using their voices to highlight injustices, perceived or real. Despite this new wave of awareness and protest, there are still prevailing stereotypes and behaviors that perpetuate these stereotypes, and those who insist that these social problems don’t exist anymore to begin with. However, there are still groups in the United States whose voices are largely ignored, whose issues are pushed to the side in the interest of others’ benefit and this has real consequences for millions of people. Arguably, the interests of Native Americans, American Indians, and First Nations have been the most frequently ignored and yet, ironically, we are bombarded with depictions of American Indians nearly every day in the media: sports teams with racial slurs and “Native-honoring” branding, “Native-inspired” fashion and accessories, television shows, and popular movies. All of these can influence the ways in which we perceive others, and impact who, exactly, we “other.”
In studying bodylore, we examine the ways in which we construct meaning from and surrounding the body (Young 1993). One’s skin color, weight, height, ability, hair, and overall appearance can dictate how they are perceived and ranked on a social scale by others. In Western culture, the bodies of American Indian women have been defined through the lens of the dominant group. Depictions of American Indian women have typically been bifurcated into two stereotypes, the first being the sexed-up yet virginal, docile, White-sympathizing Indian Princess, and the second being the haggard, “whorish,” subservient Squaw. These stereotypes are based upon the historical conceptualization of the relationship between colonizer and colonized—in this case, White, European settlers and “savages.” The Halloween costume of the “Indian Princess” and a baseball team’s “Chief” mascot recall historical identities that were created for Indigenous people by White colonizers, rather than identities created by American Indians themselves. They are an inaccurate and offensive representation of Natives then and now. There are those who argue that such stereotyping is either all in good fun, meant to be a sign of respect, or doesn’t really make an impact, but research suggests otherwise. Not only is it a form of erasure that contributes to the belief that Native Americans are characters from history and long gone, and which erases their real, lived experiences, but it can also cause real harm. Both psychologists and educators alike argue that stereotypes of Native Americans are dehumanizing, objectifying, and have a negative impact on the self-esteem of American Indian children (Grose 2010-2011). Furthermore, these stereotypes encourage non-Natives to develop inaccurate assumptions about and prejudices towards American Indians (Pewewardy 2004).
Negative stereotypical perceptions can encourage and lead to violence against groups that are considered an “other.” Such attitudes towards American Indians can lead to gender and race-based violence, as these stereotypes are rooted in the perception of European White colonists who prescribed to a patriarchal structure and believed in Manifest Destiny, which justified their belief that it was their right to colonize North America and the people already living there. Such a society dictated that White women were to be subservient to their husbands, to take care of the home and bear and care for children. Indian women were exotic because of their “savage nature,” outside of the narrow expectation for pure, Christian, White child bearers. To the colonists, they represented the wild, uncivilized “New World,” waiting to be conquered, and they became a sexual but forbidden desire for the White men. Native American women, then, are subject to racialized and gendered misconceptions that allow for the justification of discrimination and violence against them. This is reflected in statistics that show the rate of sexual assault for American Indian women being twice that of the national average in the United States, and 1 in 3 American Indian women in the U.S. has been raped or survived an attempted rape (Bitch HQ).
To begin to move towards a society where racism truly does not exist, if such a world is possible, we have to chip away at the microaggressions that stem from larger social contexts. Nothing exists in a vacuum, and while it may seem that age old stereotypes are irrelevant, it’s clear that they still matter in the United States. To break down this dichotomy of stereotypes, as well as highlight female American Indian voices, I created a series of blog posts. In the introductory post, I sought to outline and describe the break down of the stereotypes of the Squaw and the Princess with an academic analysis but in such a way that wouldn’t be off putting to those it seeks to address. For the remainder of the series of posts, I focused on one American Indian woman and her accomplishments in each. I wanted to include women from history as well as more contemporary movers and shakers. I began with Pocahontas, as many people already consider her a household name, and are likely familiar with the untruthful version told by the popular Disney film of the same name. I tried to select women in different periods of time, spanning from the 1600s with Pocahontas to the 2000s with Anna Lee Rain Yellowhammer who is an anti-Dakota Access Pipeline activist at just 13-years old. I also highlighted Buffalo Calf Road, Elizabeth Peratrovich (also known as Kaaxal.gat) and Wilma Mankiller. I included photos of some, as a visible tool and reference to help breakdown the Princess and Squaw stereotypes. Ideally, I would have liked to have been able to also include living Native women and young girls who are “regular” people, meaning those without celebrity status or that are not known for historical accomplishments, but who are still further proof that Native American women are diverse, and don’t fit into any one box created by the dominant society for their own benefit. Devon Abbot Mihesuah, Choctaw scholar, said it best: “There is no one voice among Natives because there is no such thing as the culturally and racially monolithic Native woman” (Bitch HQ 2017).
First Post: The Princess and the Squaw
Disclaimer:**The term “squaw” is used here for analytical purposes but it must be noted that this is a racial slur and is an unacceptable term for referring to…well, anyone.
The bodies of American Indian women have been socially constructed into a dichotomy that reduces their identities to two categories: the Squaw, and the Indian Princess. We all know the story of Pocahontas, whether as told by Disney or our history teachers. The Indian Princess, the daughter of Powhatan. In love with White man John Smith whom she protected from her father, the noble Chief Powhatan. First Nations women are often dichotomously portrayed in popular Western media as either “the downtrodden squaw” or like, Pocahontas, the “beautiful and helpful Indian Princess” or maiden (Parezo 2013:318). Of course, the Pocahontas that we know and love fits neatly into the “beautiful and helpful Indian Princess” stereotype, but she was far more multi-faceted than that, which I’ll cover in the next post. These stereotypes, and especially stories such as the popular tale of Pocahontas are prevailing because they make dominant society feel good. Camilla Townsend, author and historian, suggests that stories like Pocahontas’s “makes White American culture feel good” because these tales “are very flattering to us. The idea is that this is a ‘good Indian.’ She admires the White man, admires Christianity, admires the culture, and wants to have peace with these people” (Mansky 2017). She further argues that the story justifies colonialism because it shows that imperialists were helping the Natives, and that the “’good’ ones appreciated it” (Mansky 2017).
The dichotomy of the squaw and the princess serves to satisfy the dominant perception of American Indians as uncivilized savages or majestic and noble peace-lovers. Bird (1999:72), citing a previous study of postcards by Albers and James (1987), notes that the images of American Indian women are typically of either Sacajawea, Pocahontas, and “nameless artisans and squaws.” Bird (1999) suggests that the objectification of the female American Indian as a virginal, kind princess is a counter to the noble Indian prince, but that the two exist apart from one another, as the princess serves as an exotic sexual entity to be worshipped and won by White men. The Indian Princess, then, is presented as a metaphor for the land colonizers claimed as their own. The popular story of Pocahontas embodies this metaphor, as she defends the White colonizers, seemingly understanding that perhaps colonization is beneficial, that the way of the White man is the right way. Her actions, as told in White mythology, allow for the justification of colonization by the White majority because they can say, “Well, the Indians wanted it this way, Pocahontas helped us.” Throughout history, the Indian Princess has been depicted as a noble, friendly, accepting, beautiful, and gentle. A friend to the White man. She is pure and welcoming, like the land they “found.” Though the Indian Princess is presented as a representation of purity, she is also sexualized. Paintings and statues often show her bare-breasted, demonstrating that she is desirable (Bird 1999). Despite this, White folks applied the same standard of prudence to her. Popular literature was embellished with horror stories of what would befall an American Indian woman and white man if they were to become involved, although American Indian women willing to enter into a marriage with a White man were considered “noble, selfless, and willing to sacrifice themselves for love,” likely because this came with the implication that she rejected the ways of her “savage” people and instead sided with the White colonizers (Bird 1999:73). This further symbolized her “taming.” On the contrary, if an American Indian woman were to enter into a sexual relationship with a White man, she crossed the line into “squaw.”
Contrary to the Indian Princess, the Squaw is the American Indian equivalent of a “whore.” She is a sex-crazed animal who participates in sexual activities with both other Indians and White men “indiscriminately” (Bird 1999:73). Similar to stereotypes of the welfare queen, the Squaw births too many children. She is subservient to her Native American husband, who is considered a savage (Bird 1999). The Squaw, like the Indian Princess is a sexualized persona. She is simultaneously reviled and considered an object of sexual conquest for White men, to whom it was believed (by White men) they would flock to after engaging in a conversation with, preferring them over their “savage” Indian men. The American Indian Squaw was often described as “bloodthirsty, lazy, filthy, and prone to drunkenness, [and] occasional acts of kindness being interpreted as out of character or abnormal” (Bird 1999:74). Though generally accepted as a slur and not directly named, the Squaw trope still exists in modern depictions, a “drudge, a sort of beast of burden, a very dark, silent figure who is doing all the heavy lifting in Indigenous settings, with the males either engaged in warfare or lazing around while women do the work or follow a distance behind the men” (Bitch HQ 2017).
This dichotomy is not representative of American Women, either historically or otherwise. Perhaps the largest problem is not that these stereotypes are offensive to begin with, but that they were not created by Natives themselves. We aren’t usually taught of American Indian women outside of Pocahontas or Sacajawea, and when we are, we’re not using the narratives told by the women themselves, or even Native men. I do not belong to a tribe and as far as I know, am not a descendant or relative of Native Americans, but I want to begin to break down the stereotypes and at least contribute to the making of a space that privileges First Nations voices and experiences. What follows this post is a series of posts, each highlighting an individual American Indian woman who made her own place in the world in some way. A woman who broke down the stereotypes applied to her by the dominating culture. I can only hope that this is a step towards elevating the stories and experiences of those who have long been ignored.
Second Post: Pocahontas
Pocahontas’s real name was Matoaka and she was born around 1596 to the Pamunkey tribe in Virginia (Mansky 2017). Pocahontas was indeed the father of a man named Wahunsenaca, who would become the Chief after her birth. According to descendants of Matoaka, she was called “Pocahontas” by her father sometimes, because it was her mother’s name and her father dearly missed her after her passing (Schilling 2017). Unlike the portrayal in the Disney classic, there are no reports of her being a princess or that any such title existed for American Indian women. Furthermore, Matoaka was likely around ten years old in 1607 when John Smith arrived in Jamestown, Virginia, and they were never romantically involved, nor did she save his life. Though Smith was kidnapped by the tribe, Wahunsenaca was rumored to have found him endearing, and christened him with the title of ‘werowance’ which meant that he would be the leader of the colonists. At the ceremony where, in his later accounts, he claimed that Matoaka saved him, it was likely that she was never actually there, as she would not have been allowed at a religious ceremony as a child. Furthermore, at a ceremony where he is being honored as a ‘werowance,’ there would be no reason to be murdering him, according to Mattaponi tribe accounts (Schilling 2017).
Matoaka, who did later choose to be called Pocahontas during a ceremony, had a much different life with the colonists than is depicted in the Disney film. When she was about 14, she married a man from another tribe named Kocoum, whose child she would bear shortly afterward. About two years later, she was kidnapped by English colonists and unbeknownst to her, Kocoum was murdered in her absence. Fearing retribution or Pocahontas, who served as a symbol of peace between the groups, being harmed, the Chiefs in Powhatan did not retaliate against the colonists (Schilling 2017). During her captivity, historians believe that Pocahontas was raped her captors, and as a result, became pregnant with her second child. Mattaponi tribal history suggests that Pocahontas confided in her sister, Mattachanna, about the assaults when, due to Pocahontas’s increasing anxiety and depression, the English allowed Mattachanna to visit her.
During her captivity, Pocahontas was forced to “become civilized” and it is suggested that in resistance, she would tear off her uncomfortable English clothing. Eventually, however, Pocahontas became Christianized and was christened “Rebecca.” Pocahontas married John Rolfe, though it is unconfirmed whether it was for love or business, as Rolfe had desired to learn tobacco farming techniques from the Powhatan and may have recognized that the benefit of marrying into the tribe could keep the Jamestown settlement financially afloat (Schilling 2017). Pocahontas’s father was not at her wedding, despite it being traditional for the father to give away his daughter at her marriage, and it is suggested that he feared being kidnapped or murdered. Regardless of the reasoning behind the matrimony, Rolfe’s tobacco was a financial success following his marriage to Pocahontas. Eventually, Pocahontas, Mattachanna, and several others of their tribe were brought to England as a symbol of goodwill and peace between the Native Americans and England, as there were powerful and wealthy people across the pond who were appalled by the mistreatment of the Natives by the colonists (Schilling 2017). Without England’s support of the colonies, it was likely that Jamestown would fail, thus the bringing of the Natives to England was a political and financial move. While in England, Pocahontas derided John Smith for betraying her people and for abusing his power as the colonists’ leader. Mattachanna’s account tells that Pocahontas wanted to return home to Virginia, and in 1617, plans were made for her to do so. At the time the plans were made, Pocahontas was said to be healthy, but following a dinner with John Rolfe, she became ill and died, suggesting that she had been poisoned. It is estimated that she was only 21 years old when she passed. It has been suggested that her father died within the following year as a result of heartbreak. Pocahontas was buried at Saint George’s Church, despite tribes requesting that her remains be brought to her homeland. England has stated that they are unaware of the exact location of her remains.
The website for the church where she was buried features a page about the story of Pocahontas, revering her as the “first of her nation to convert to Christianity” and retells the false story of her saving John Smith’s life (https://stgeorgesgravesend.org/history/pocahontas/). There is no mention of the requests for her body to be returned to her home, no mention of her discussion with John Smith of the betrayal of the Natives, and no mention of her possible poisoning. She is lamented as a Christian Princess who was the first Native woman to birth the child of an Englishman, who warned the colonists about potential attacks by the Natives. It is likely, based on oral tribal history, that Pocahontas never betrayed her people in such a way. It is important to remember that Pocahontas was held prisoner by the English, that she was raped, and that she was kept from seeing her family following her kidnapping. We must not allow the true story of Pocahontas to be warped to justify the actions of imperialists and colonizers. We must not allow her story to be whitewashed to justify the horrors that European colonists brought to their “New World.”
Third Entry: Buffalo Calf Road
Buffalo Calf Road was a young Cheyenne woman alive during the late 1800s. She was present at the Battle of the Rosebud, in which General George Crook and his men were planning to attack Big Horn in an effort to suppress Indian resistance. Several groups of Sioux and Cheyenne had banded together to resist federal demands that they remain confined on reservations, which Crook and his armies used as an excuse to consider the Indians hostile (History). When the village became aware of Crook and his men nearing the village to attack, warriors were sent to retaliate. Buffalo Calf Road, despite opposition to her going, rode with them. During the battle, her brother, Comes In Sight became trapped by soldiers advancing on him in a gully. The other warriors thought the situation too dangerous and hesitated to save their comrade but Buffalo Calf Road rode into the chaos of spraying bullets and pulled her brother out, saving his life. The Cheyenne named the conflict “The Battle Where the Girl Saved Her Brother” in her honor (History). Days later, Buffalo Calf Road was the only woman to fight alongside her people against General George Custer who led an attack against several tribes camped along the Big Horn River. During the battle, Buffalo Calf Road saved another warrior who had lost his horse. It has also been suggested that it is she who was responsible for the death of General Custer at the Battle of Little Big Horn (Cavanaugh 2017). In the months following the battle, the Cheyenne village was attacked again unexpectedly, and their village was burned, leaving 40 tribe members dead, and forcing those left alive to flee. They were without food, blankets, and clothing, forced to pass through a snowstorm. Those who left were followed by the armies, and many tribal members surrendered, but a pregnant Buffalo Calf Road refused to do so. She and a group of 30 other Cheyenne resisted surrender for quite some time, during which her second child was born. Eventually, the group was forced to surrender, and they were sent to modern day Oklahoma. Buffalo Calf Road and her people however, were determined to return home. She and a group of 300 others left in the middle of the night, and managed to travel 1500 miles mostly on foot, being followed and attacked throughout the journey (Agonito 2014). Buffalo Calf Road and her family were able to hide in the Nebraska’s Sand Hills but she and her group were eventually captured and she died in captivity at Fort Keogh.
There are no written records of Buffalo Calf Road, as most tribal history is passed down through oral accounts. Her birth date is unknown, though it is estimated to be sometime in the 1850s. The stories of her have been recounted through Cheyenne tribe members who have heard the stories from their relatives, who tell of a brave woman who “was an excellent marksman” and who “used a club-like object” to knock the infamous Custer off of his horse, leading to his demise (Cavanaugh 2017). There seem to be no existing photos of Buffalo Calf Road, but the drawing below from Yellow Nose’s ledger book depicts her saving her brother at the Battle of the Rosebud. An image that, no doubt, shows us that American Indian women are so far removed from the White stereotypes of the Princess or the Squaw.
Image source: http://www.astonisher.com/archives/museum/picto5.html
Fourth Entry: Elizabeth Jean Wanamaker Peratrovich, also known as Kaaxal.gat(Tlingit name)
Image source: http://www.sitnews.us/Kiffer/Peratrovich/021808_e_peratrovich.html
Kaaxal.gat, or Elizabeth, was born in Alaska to the Tlingit Lukaax.adi clan of the Raven moiety in 1911 (Kiffer 2008). She would become known as one of Alaska’s most prominent Civil Rights activists for her work that lead to the passage of the first anti-discrimination law in the United States and territories since the Civil War (Pratt 2017, Kiffer 2008). Kaaxal.gat was orphaned at a young age and adopted by the Wanamaker family, who christened her with the name Elizabeth. In 1941, she moved with her husband Roy who was also Tlingit and worked for the territorial government, to the city of Juneau, in hopes of finding a better life for their family. She was appalled to see “No Natives Allowed” signs around Juneau, and the couple was denied the sale of a house because of their heritage. In response, she and her husband, in a letter to the governor of the Alaskan territory at the time, wrote of the hypocrisy of Americans being shocked at the hate towards Jews in Germany at the time, and yet being so accepting of discrimination towards Natives. They highlighted that Natives paid their taxes to educate White children and yet their own were prohibited from attending the schools, and that Natives were allowed to serve in the military and die for all Americans but are not allowed the same freedoms. In 1943, the Peratrovicks, along with the territorial governor and the territorial delegate introduced the Alaska Anti-Discrimination Act to the Alaskan legislature, which failed, but would later be passed in 1945. Opponents suggested that the passage of such a bill would increase the so-called “mixed breed” problem resulting from intermarriages, but ironically also believed it would encourage “hard feelings between whites and natives” (Kiffer 2008). Allen Shattuck, Senator from Juneau had this to say about the bill:
“”Far from being brought closer together, which will result from this bill, the races should be kept further apart,” he said. “Who are these people, barely out of savagery, who want to associate with us whites with five thousand years of recorded civilization behind us?””
At the end of the hearing, when those present were asked if anyone else would like to speak, Elizabeth went to the stand and said, “”I would not have expected that I, who am barely out savagery, would have to remind gentlemen with five thousand years of recorded civilization behind them of our Bill of Rights.” She proceeded to narrate her own stories of discrimination and detailed the discrimination that other Natives had faced, and at one pointed stated, “the finest of our race (has been forced) to associate with white trash” (Pierce 2001).
Senator Shattuck questioned if Mrs. Peratrovich believed that the anti-discrimination bill would mean the end of discrimination, to which she replied,
“Do your laws against larceny and even murder prevent those crimes?” she responded. “No law will eliminate crimes but at least you legislators can assert to the world that you recognize the evil of the present situation and speak your intent to help us overcome discrimination.”
Local news reported that the hearing chambers burst into applause at the conclusion of Mrs. Peratrovich’s statements, and the bill passed the Senate 11-5 in February 1945.
Elizabeth Peratrovich was elected the Grand President of the Alaska Native Sisterhood in 1941, while her husband served under the same title for the Alaska Native Brotherhood. The ANS and ANB were non-profit, anti-racist organizations that worked for the civil rights of Alaska Natives and were the only such organizations in the state and territory at the time. She and her husband were voices for civil rights for Alaskan Natives prior to the better known Civil Rights Movement in the lower 48 states. Elizabeth Peratrovich, Kaaxal.gat, passed away in 1958, but her legacy as a Civil Rights pioneer was solidified in 1988, when February 16thwas named “Elizabeth Peratrovich Day” by the Alaskan legislature (Pratt 2017).
Fifth Entry: Wilma Mankiller
Wilma Mankiller was as fierce as her name suggests. She was a feminist, activist, scholar, author, and leader. Wilma Mankiller was the first female principal Chief of the Cherokee Nation, a title she held for ten years, from 1985-1995 (Biography). During her time as Chief, she sought to improve the nation’s education, health care, and government. Prior to her years as Chief, she worked for the government of the Cherokee Nation in her home state of Oklahoma, campaigning for education and health programs. Mankiller founded the department for community development for the Cherokee Nation in 1981. She was heavily involved in activism for Native American and women’s rights, having been inspired by American Indian protestors who took over Alcatraz Island to raise awareness to their mistreatment by the federal government, for whom she also raised money (Verhovek 2010). President Clinton awarded Mankiller the Medal of Freedom for her work in 1998. A friend of famed feminist activist Gloria Steinem, she also served on the board of Ms. Magazine during her time as Chief, and was named the magazine’s Woman of the Year in 1987 (Lewis 2018).
For all of her accomplishments, Mankiller overcame numerous hard ships throughout her life. Her family did not have electricity, telephones, or running water when she was a child. She also suffered a car accident that nearly took her life, and several illnesses, including lymphoma and kidney disease (Lewis 2018). She passed away in April of 2010 from pancreatic cancer.
Wilma Mankiller, photo by J. Pat Carter, https://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/07/us/07mankiller.html
Sixth Entry: Anna Lee Rain Yellowhammer
Anna Lee Rain Yellowhammer is a member of the Standing Rock Tribe in North Dakota. If you’re not familiar with her name, I’m sure you’re at least familiar with the name of her home, and hopefully, why it’s an important place to be aware of. Anna is 13-years old, and she is responsible for the Change.Org petition challenging the Federal Government and demanding that they not build the proposed pipeline in the Dakotas. She also coined the anti-pipeline movement’s slogan “Mni wiconi” (Water is Life) (Pratt 2017). An editorial by Anna was featured on Mic.Com, where she describes growing up, swimming, “drinking and fishing from the Missouri River” with her friends and family (Yellowhammer 2016). She has said that her life as well as the lives of her fellow tribe members and family depend on the river, and has demanded that the Army Corps of Engineers not build a pipeline that would pump 570, 000 gallons of hazardous oil through across the river, just a mile from her home. Anna has said that “it’s not a matter of when this newest pipeline will leak, it’s when” and that oil spills have become the norm for her land and people (Yellowhammer 2016). Anna, and many American Indian women like her, “refuse to stand by” and lose their water sources to “corporate greed” (Yellowhammer 2016).
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Cavanaugh, Ray. 2017. “Retrobituaries: Buffalo Calf Road Woman, Custer’s Final Foe.” Retrieved April 15th, 2018 (http://mentalfloss.com/article/502013/retrobituaries-buffalo-calf-road-woman-custers-final-foe).
Grose, Justin P. 2010. “Time to Bury the Tomahawk Chop: An Attempt to Reconcile the Differing Viewpoints of Native Americans and Sports Fans.” American Indian Law Review 35(2):695-728. (http://www.jstor.org.proxy.lib.odu.edu/stable/pdf/41219755.pdf).
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Kiffer, Dave. 2008. “Alaska Celebrates Civil Rights Pioneer: Peratrovich’s Efforts Pre-Dated Martin Luther King.” Retrieved April 17th, 2018 (http://www.sitnews.us/Kiffer/Peratrovich/021808_e_peratrovich.html).
Lewis, Jone Johnson. 2018. “Wilma Mankiller Cherokee Chief, Activist, Community Organizer, Feminist.” Retrieved April 14th, 2018 (https://www.thoughtco.com/wilma-mankiller-bio-3529844).
Mansky, Jackie. 2017. “The True Story of Pocahontas.” Retrieved April 10th, 2018 (https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/true-story-pocahontas-180962649/).
Parezo, Nancy J. 2013. “The Indian Fashion Show: Fighting Cultural Stereotypes with Gender.” Journal of Anthropological Research 69(3):317-346. (http://www.jstor.org/stable/24393652).
Pewewardy, Cornel D. 2004. “Playing Indian at Halftime: The Controversy over American Indian Mascots, Logos, and Nicknames in School-Related Events.” The Clearing House77(5):180-185. Retrieved March 15, 2018 (http://www.jstor.org/stable/30189894).
Pierce, Susan. 2001. “Civil Rights Heroine, The Story of Elizabeth Peratrovich.” Retrieved April 17th, 2018 (https://www.alaska.edu/uajourney/notable-people/juneau/elizabeth-peratrovich/).
Pratt, Stacy. 2017. “8 Native Women You Should Have Learned About in History Class.” Retrieved April 10th, 2018 (https://hellogiggles.com/lifestyle/native-women-learned-history-class/).
Schilling, Vincent. 2017. “The True Story of Pocahontas: Historical Myths Versus Sad Reality.” Retrieved April 10th, 2018 (https://indiancountrymedianetwork.com/history/genealogy/true-story-pocahontas-historical-myths-versus-sad-reality/).
Verhovek, Sam Howe. 2010. “Wilma Mankiller, Cherokee Chief and First Woman to Lead Major Tribe, Is Dead at 64.” New York Times, April 7, pp. B10. Retrieved April 15th, 2018 (https://www.nytimes.com/2010/04/07/us/07mankiller.html).
Yellowhammer, Anna Lee Rain. 2016. “The Oil Industry Needs to #RezpectOurWater and Stop Building the Dakota Access Pipeline.” Retrieved April 14th, 2018 (https://mic.com/articles/146308/the-oil-industry-needs-to-rezpect-our-water-and-stop-building-the-dakota-access-pipeline#.ySu6Md3Pg).
Young, Katharine. 1995. Bodylore. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press.
Rebecca Morales is currently pursuing her M.A. in Applied Sociology at Old Dominion University, as well as a graduate certificate in Women’s Studies. She received her B.S. from ODU with a major in Sociology and a minor in Women’s Studies. Her academic interests include race, class, and gender, but she is especially interested in the ways in which American Indians and their various cultures are constructed, portrayed, and appropriated in the U.S., as well as the impacts of gender based violence on tribal communities.