Cultural Resilience and Economic Recovery of Black New Orleanians after Hurricane Katrina

Elysium C. McCullough

South County High School

AP Seminar

Professor Samantha Ballard

05/19/2023

Cultural Resilience and Economic Recovery of Black New Orleanians after Hurricane Katrina

Background 

The devastation which Hurricane Katrina caused across the entire Gulf Coast was not limited to physical damage, despite the 81 billion dollars in damages which were caused (Hurricanes: Science and Society, 2020). Louisiana, which had already suffered from the effects of poverty post-Civil Rights era as a result of the movement of industry out of the area, was dealt yet another harsh blow by the landing of Hurricane Katrina (Wilson, 1996, as cited in Hawkins 2012). New Orleans, which has historically been populated by people of color, was particularly affected by Hurricane Katrina, which intensified the pre-existing economic and racial inequality which plagued the city. By analyzing the impact of Katrina in a way which focuses on the aforementioned inequalities, as well as the history of the city, this paper seeks to understand the impact of those factors on New Orleans’ African American population. 

The term resilience is one which is often attributed to incidents of natural disaster or that are otherwise traumatizing, as noted by Lowe and colleagues (2015). As it pertains to Hurricane Katrina, this resilience was not something which was specific to the hurricane itself and its aftermath, rather it was something that developed over the course of their lives (Lowe et al, 2015). However, without this evidence it is not entirely surprising that individuals associate resilience with surviving these once in a lifetime events which are largely associated with trauma, given the typical scale of damages from natural disasters, and the media coverage of the events. The 2010 Haitian earthquake, similar to Katrina, is a prime example of another natural disaster that is strongly associated with resilience (Rahill et al., 2016). As well as being places which have been hit by relatively severe natural disasters, Haiti and New Orleans’ populations have similar racial make-ups, and have both experienced a history of poverty, albeit for dissimilar reasons. 

In his article on urban evolution, Eric Bender cites the research of evolutionary ecologist Simone Des Roches, who argues that “impoverished neighborhoods” experience distinct environmental disadvantages that set them apart from wealthier urban areas (Bender, 2022). This idea that impoverished communities can alter the development of plants and animals in the area raises an important question: could similar forces also influence the evolution of human populations? By expanding on Des Roches’ ideas, we could ask whether or not entire countries that have long suffered the effects of poverty, like Haiti, or cities such as New Orleans, could have unique evolutionary histories shaped by their economic conditions. Lowe et al.’s study of resilience after the 2010 Haitian earthquake (2015) demonstrates that Des Roches’ concept of distinct ecological conditions in impoverished areas could extend to human populations. Bender’s article adds to this theory, suggesting that low-income societies may develop unique forms of resilience that allow them to better cope with natural disasters and other traumas.

Analysis of Impact 

The devastation caused by Hurricane Katrina deeply impacted the culture of New Orleans, especially for black working-class individuals. Taunya Lovell Banks (2015) discusses one of the many aspects of their culture, the second-line parades, which served as “public displays of community” (2). Banks emphasizes that prior to Katrina, “laws regulating street parades were not specifically enforced” (3). However, in a post-Katrina New Orleans, government-mandated permit fees and other minor legal tactics have specifically targeted and attempted to dissuade black working-class people from returning to the city (Dinerstein 2009, as cited in Banks 2015, p. 3). Banks cites specific instances of these permits being altered or enforced more regularly in her paper, providing evidence for the class-specific impact of Katrina. By raising parade permit fees, for example, the local government inhibited working-class people from displaying their culture. Banks also references the history of New Orleans as a slave state, where people of color were limited from displaying their culture in events such as Mardi-Gras (Gill 1997, as cited in Banks 2015, p. 4). 

Banks (2015) identifies an historical pattern in black working-class “resilience” to cultural suppression by government officials, which experienced a resurgence post-Katrina. As seen with the Haitian earthquake, in which Rahill and colleagues (2016) deconstructed the term resilience and its perceived meanings that were associated with the event and its survivors, the concept of resilience is complex and nuanced. Despite efforts to suppress their culture, black working-class individuals demonstrate their own resilience by returning to New Orleans post-Katrina (Banks, 2015). Mckernan and Mulcahy’s (2008) article works to further develop a background on New Orleans culture, discussing how the culture of the city is unique in the way that it is not rooted in specific artifacts or buildings; rather the culture comes from its people. Thus, by displacing around half a million people from the city of New Orleans, with that number being made up of predominantly black working class individuals, Mckernan and Mulcahy’s (2008) description of Katrina as being an “cultural chernobyl” is an apt one (Elliot and Pais, 2006; Banks, 2015). By displacing the citizens of New Orleans Hurricane Katrina, and the actions of the government which followed as cited by Banks (2015), the culture of the city suffered deeply. Since the culture of New Orleans was not one which could be held or seen in concrete belongings, it surely would have survived the physical destruction of the city, as the aforementioned billions of dollars in damages cannot possibly represent the damage to the culture. A similar case can be made for the Haitian people within Rahill and colleagues (2016) research, as the economic damage is mentioned in the paper, the overall focus of the paper pertains to individuals, who were interviewed and comments were implemented and effectively immortalizing their words. 

Though the full impacts of Katrina are not ones which can be viewed through New Orleans economic state, it is still one which can provide valuable information to the overall scope of the impact which Katrina had. The primary factors which will be used to determine this being housing and income, both before and after Katrina. Overall, in terms of employment, New Orleans can be described as varied after the hurricane. Based on Liu and Plyer’s (2010) research, as cited by the National Academies Press (2011), New Orleans experienced a loss in jobs as an immediate effect of Katrina before gaining more as the city recovered before falling again as it entered a recession (18). This is essentially supported by Julie Zissimopoulos and Lynn Karoly’s (2010) research of post-Katrina employment rates for up to a year, which concluded that following the hurricane, employment rates dip temporarily followed by eventual recovery; as for Louisiana specifically, the authors noted that there was a rise in self-employment following the hurricane. Zissimopoulos and Karoly (2010) also found that those who, for whatever reason, did not return after Katrina were faced with worse economic conditions. This evidence, when paired with Sara Chaganti and Jasmine Waddell’s (2015) claim that African Americans disproportionately did not return to the Gulf Coast post-Katrina (Frey, Singer, and Park 2007; Fussell, Sastry, and VanLandingham 2010; Groen and Polivka 2008; Hori and Schafer 2010; Sastry 2009; Stringfield 2010, as cited in Chaganti and Wadell, 2015). Based on this evidence, as well as Banks (2015) claim that the local government of New Orleans attempted to stop black working-class individuals from returning, could work together in order to develop a theory that this was done to bolster economic growth in the city. If the only individuals to return to the city were those who were wealthy, the pattern of growth in New Orleans could be a result of those factors, However, for the individuals who were not able to return, Chaganti and Waddell’s (2015) and Zissimopoulos and Karoly (2010) research supports this paper’s working theory that Hurricane Katrina disproportionately affected African Americans and other racial minorities’ employment status, ultimately resulting in worse economic conditions for the individuals. 

Aside from employment, housing is the other largest determinant of economic standing. On both a personal and community level, housing plays a substantial role, and Katrina’s widespread housing displacement had a substantial impact on New Orleans on both a cultural and economic level. In the wake of Hurricane Katrina, Elizabeth Fussell and Elizabeth Harris’ (2014) paper analyzes the different types of housing the owners’ likelihood of remaining in that housing post-Katrina, considering that being low-income and African American are typically more likely to struggle with post-disaster recovery. Fussell and Harris’ (2014) findings indicate that those with more “permanent” housing, such as those who own their homes, were more likely to remain or return in their pre-Katrina homes whereas those who rely on “temporary” housing such as renters, were less likely to return to their same homes. Chris McConnell and Chiara Bertollin (2019) present in their study information which although not particularly similar, supports the general findings which were presented by Fussell and Harris’ (2014) as they allude to which demographics may rely more heavily on temporary housing, as well as its value in terms of disaster recovery and resilience. McConell and Bertollin (2019) present claims which pertain to ideas of resilience, as those who are resilient are dependent on adequate resources to support them in order to maintain that resilience, as well as social vulnerability and the implication that those who are less socially vulnerable (white, upper class individuals) are less likely to be dependent on temporary housing. Thus, by having a lack of temporary housing, those who would be impacted most would be black working-class individuals and women (McConell and Bertollin, 2019; Fussell and Harris, 2014). 

Conclusion 

Based on my evidence as it pertains to resilience and the cultural impact of Hurricane Katrina, Hurricane Katrina served as a largely destructive force when it comes to New Orleans culture as it effectively divided primarily black working-class individuals from their culture with assistance from the local government in the hurricane’s aftermath (Banks, 2015; Elliot and Pais, 2006; Mckernan and Mulcahy, 2008). Parallels may also be drawn from the impacts of Katrina on New Orleans culture’ and the perceived resilience associated with its citizens and the Haitian earthquake of 2010, with Rahill and colleagues (2016) research into resilience as it is associated with Haitians and natural disasters as a whole providing the link between the two events as a strong sense of culture was one of the driving forces keeping the Haitians together in the aftermath of the earthquake. Contrarily, culture seemingly was a factor which local officials attempted to stamp out in the aftermath of Katrina as it had already been weakened by the displacement of its population (Banks 2015; Elliot and Pais 2006). The most likely explanation for this attempt to limit the culture of New Orleans on behalf of the government is one of fear, as well as economic gain, and historical racism (Banks, 2015; Elliot and Pais, 2006; Mckernan and Mulcahy, 2008).

When it comes to the economic impact of Hurricane Katrina on the individual citizens of New Orleans as well as the city as a whole, this paper determines employment status and growth as well as housing to be the most telling factors. New Orleans and its varying levels of growth and decline in employment from a generally large scope represents a relatively normal economy following any disaster (National Academies Press 2011; Zissimopoulos and Karoly, 2010). However, when viewing it on a far smaller scale, one which emphasizes the individuals who participate in the economy, and given the claims presented Banks (2015) and further evidence by Chaganti and Waddell (2015) as well as Zissimopoulos and Karoly (2010) presents the idea that working-class African Americans who were displaced by Hurricane Katrina and did not return fared far worse than those who returned. As it pertains to housing, the evidence within this paper analyzes that individuals who settled in primarily “temporary” housing were less likely to return to that housing post-Katrina (Fussell and Harris, 2014). Furthermore, with evidence provided by McConell and Bertollin (2019) that minorities, or people who are more “socially vulnerable” primarily are the ones who inhabit this temporary housing; thus by having a lack of temporary housing post-Katrina or any natural disaster for that matter, those would be impacted most would be lower or working-class minorities.

Works Cited 

Baade, R. A., Baumann, R., & Matheson, V. (2007). Estimating the economic impact of natural and social disasters, with an application to hurricane katrina. Urban Studies, 44(11), 2061-2076. https://doi.org/10.1080/00420980701518917 

Banks, T. L. (2015). Post-Katrina suppression of black working-class political expression. Journal of Public Management & Social Policy, 22(2), 1-12. 

Bartels, L. (2006). Is the water rising? Reflections on inequality and American democracy. PS: Political Science and Politics, 39(1), 39-42. 

Bender, E. (2022, March 21). Urban evolution: How species adapt to survive in cities. Knowable Magazine. https://knowablemagazine.org/article/ 

living-world/2022/urban-evolution-species-adapt-survive-cities 

Bienvenu, G. (2020, December 9). Louisiana hurricanes. LSU Libraries. Retrieved April 23, 2023, from 

https://guides.lib.lsu.edu/Hurricanes/Betsy#:~:text=Hurricane%20Betsy%20hit%20Louis iana%20on,between%2070%20and%2080%20deaths. 

Bobo, L. D. (2006). Katrina: Unmasking race, poverty, and politics in the 21st century. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race, 3(1), 1-6. 

https://doi.org/10.1017/S1742058X06060012

Chaganti, S., & Waddell, J. (2015). Employment change among Hurricane Katrina evacuees: Impacts of race and place. Journal of Public Management & Social Policy, 22(2).

Elliott, J. R., & Pais, J. (2006). Race, class, and hurricane katrina: Social differences in human responses to disaster. Social Science Research, 35(2), 295-321. 

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssresearch.2006.02.003

Finch, C., Emrich, C. T., & Cutter, S. L. (2010). Disaster disparities and differential recovery in new orleans. Population and Environment, 31(4), 179-202. 

https://doi.org/10.1007/s11111-009-0099-8

Fussell, E., & Harris, E. (2014). Homeownership and housing displacement after hurricane katrina among low-income african-american mothers in new orleans. Social Science Quarterly, n/a-n/a. https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12114 

Green, G., Lowe, S. R., & Rhodes, J. E. (2012). What can multiwave studies teach us about disaster research: An analysis of low-income hurricane katrina survivors. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 25(3), 299-306. https://doi.org/10.1002/jts.21708 

Haider-markel, D. P., Delehanty, W., & Beverlin, M. (2007). Media framing and racial attitudes in the aftermath of katrina. Policy Studies Journal, 35(4), 587-605. 

https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-0072.2007.00238.x

Hawkins, R., & Maurer, K. (2012). “Waiting for the white man to fix things:” Rebuilding black poverty in New Orleans. Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare, 39(1), 111-139. Katrina impacts. (2020). Hurricanes: Science and Society. Retrieved April 23, 2023, from http://www.hurricanescience.org/history/studies/katrinacase/impacts/#:~:text=Katrina%2 0is%20the%20costliest%20U.S,New%20Orleans%20showing%20flooding%20depths.

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Logan, J. R., Issar, S., & Xu, Z. (2016). Trapped in place? Segmented resilience to hurricanes in the gulf coast, 1970–2005. Demography, 53(5), 1511-1534. 

https://doi.org/10.1007/s13524-016-0496-4

Lowe, S. R., Raker, E. J., Waters, M. C., & Rhodes, J. E. (2020). Predisaster predictors of posttraumatic stress symptom trajectories: An analysis of low-income women in the aftermath of hurricane katrina. PLOS ONE, 15(10), e0240038. 

https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0240038

Lowe, S. R., Rhodes, J. E., & Waters, M. C. (2015). Understanding resilience and other trajectories of psychological distress: A mixed-methods study of low-income mothers who survived hurricane katrina. Current Psychology, 34(3), 537-550. 

https://doi.org/10.1007/s12144-015-9362-6

Mcconnell, C., & Bertolin, C. (2019). Quantifying environmental impacts of temporary housing at the urban scale: Intersection of vulnerability and post-hurricane relief in new orleans. International Journal of Disaster Risk Science, 10(4), 478-492. 

https://doi.org/10.1007/s13753-019-00244-y

Mckernan, J., & Mulcahy, K. V. (2008). Hurricane katrina: A cultural chernobyl. The Journal of Arts Management, Law, and Society, 38(3), 217-232. 

https://doi.org/10.3200/JAML.38.3.217-232

Nicholls, K., & Picou, J. S. (2012). The impact of hurricane katrina on trust in government. Social Science Quarterly, 94(2), 344-361. 

https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6237.2012.00932.x

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Olsen, S. (2011). Increasing national resilience to hazards and disasters: The perspective from the Gulf Coast of Louisiana and Mississippi : summary of a workshop. National Academies Press. https://doi.org/10.17226/13178 

Rahill, G. J., Ganapati, N. E., Joshi, M., Bristol, B., Molé, A., Jean-pierre, A., Dionne, A., & Benavides, M. (2016). In their own words: Resilience 

among haitian survivors of the 2010 earthquake. Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved, 27(2), 580-603. https://doi.org/10.1353/ 

hpu.2016.0100 

Rubin, L. B. (2008). Fire and flood: What a difference class and race make, or did brian williams see the news? Dissent, 55(1), 5-7. https://doi.org/10.1353/dss.2008.0070 

Sweeney, K. A. (2006). The blame game: Racialized responses to hurricane katrina. Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race, 3(1), 161-174. 

https://doi.org/10.1017/S1742058X06060115

Taras, R. (2014). Political storms in the gulf of mexico in 2005: Cuban and mexican leaders’ critiques of the disaster response to hurricanes Katrina and Wilma. International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society, 28(4), 283-302. 

https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-014-9188-5 Xiao, Y., & Nilawar, U. (2013). Winners and losers: Analysing post-disaster spatial economic demand shift. Disasters, 37(4), 646-668. https://doi.org/10.1111/disa.12025 Zissimopoulos, J., & Karoly, L. A. (2010). Employment and self-employment in the wake of hurricane katrina. Demography, 47(2), 345-367. https://doi.org/10.1353/dem.0.0099

“Blood at the Root” Performance Review

Introduction

Dominique Morisseau’s “Blood at the Root”, which was first performed in 2014 at Pennsylvania State University, is a strange play with a title which comes from Billie Holiday’s “Strange Fruit”. This song – which much like Morisseau’s play, centers around African American lynchings in the South is a play which can be met with mixed reactions. “Blood at the Root” is not Morisseau’s only work; “Detroit ’67”, among many of her plays, share similar themes of inequality, power, and intersectionality. As well as this, Morisseau is not just a playwright, she is also a prominent writer on the 2011 drama “Shameless” – another work that focuses on marginalized individuals and their struggles. 

On November 10th, I attended ODU Rep Theatre’s reproduction of “Blood at the Root”, directed by Brittney Harris, an alumni and professor herself at Goode Theatre. Harris, much like Morisseau, has a history of tackling social inequality in her works, such as “Tag: You’re It!” which she wrote and directed last year. So far this year, I have attended three different performances by this company, including “Blood at the Root”, “What the Constitution Means to Me”, and “Women of Troy”, directed by Katherine Hammond and Deborah Wallace respectively. Of these three, Morisseau’s production is the most fascinating, as it deals with a very present and very real issue within our society. Going into this performance, my expectations going into the performance were mixed. Each of the performances I witnessed were good, though with each one, as each were done by different directors, improvements were made in the weakest areas, especially sound design. Overall, I would say Harris’ execution was certainly successful, and exceeded my expectations.

“Blood at the Root” is a reframing of the injustice which the Jena Six experienced; the Jena Six were 6 six black students that were arrested for assaulting a white student after a series of growing conflicts between the white and black students in Jena, Louisiana including the hanging of nooses from a tree in the center of the courtyard. One of the black students; named De’Andre in Morisseau’s production, was initially charged as an adult, deepening the outrage in tens of thousands of people. The other important characters include Raylynn, the production’s main character and De’Andre’s sister, Justin and Toria who work for the school newspaper, and Colin a white transfer student who is the victim of the assault. 

When it comes to “Blood at the Root”, Harris exceeded in terms of conveying her message, and connecting it to her audience, making the audience boil with rage themselves in the wake of the blatant racism which De’Andre, and the other black students experience, or Justin’s frustration when Toria accuses him of not caring. It is difficult to deny that “Blood at the Root” is not an emotional piece, with its deeply accurate representation of social issues that affect people on every level, but especially in our personal interactions. Harris’ casting and subsequent rehearsal process with the actors shows an emphasis on authenticity, in my opinion, which results in the ability for the audience to connect with not only the characters, but the story as a whole. This is seen and heard best in the dialogue between characters, as well as the design of the costumes for each character. 

The Review

One of the most impactful scenes in the production is an argument between Justin and Toria, with the two being in an empty classroom where Justin was working on finishing the paper before Toria barges in, asking if he received her article. This quickly devolves into Toria screaming at Justin, when she finds out that he willingly excluded her article, filling the spot (reserved for seniors) with pieces by underclassmen. Despite his mask of indifference, Toria manages to get under Justin’s skin by accusing him of being ashamed (of being black) and being too removed from what is going on around them. As this scene progresses, Justin, who begins the scene ignoring Toria and flippantly answering her questions while avoiding eye contact and moving around the room as if she isn’t there- slowly gets into her face as his tone shifts from sarcastic and uncaring to annoyed and frustrated. This scene, which involves Justin pushing Toria back at one point, was directed and executed flawlessly. Angelina Paquin and Koby Lomax who play Toria and Justin respectively, orchestrate the scene in a way which left the audience stunned. These actors, who showed no apprehension or worry about the execution of the scene, fit into the roles necessary for it to feel real, ignoring any thoughts that may lead to them breaking character. Especially Lomax, who in this scene is responsible for executing a major character revelation to the audience, accepted his role in stride. As he explains to Toria how he should not be expected to care for people who couldn’t care less about himself, I felt within myself and saw within the audience a wave of sympathy and recognition for the character. This is an example of not only white privilege on Toria’s part, and the black experience for Justin, but intersectionality on a more personal level. These different experiences, identities, which attempt to stand up for and raise awareness for others are crucial in our society. Harris’ guidance and Lomax ability as an actor together are able to convey Justin’s disconnect from not only his peers, but other people of his race in general. It is not only through his dialogue in which the audience is told this; it is his reluctance to stand up or speak out against the injustice happening around him, it is his reaction to Toria’s accusations, which illustrate this. 

One of the most telling details about a character, other than what is explicitly given to us through their dialogue, is able to be seen in the design of their costumes. In this adaptation of “Blood at the Root”, Harris has the characters in relatively uniform outfits, with each of the cast wearing either polo shirts or button downs, with a few exceptions. One of these exceptions is Colin, the football player and transfer student, who is seen wearing his varsity jacket over top of his shirt. In a way, this characterizes Colin as being more of a jock, similar to De’Andre, although he is less known. De’Andre is also a part of the football team, but almost everyone is familiar with him, seeing as when Raylynn is running for class president, she is mostly known as Dre’s sister and even introduces herself that way to Colin. Colin does not have the same luxury as Dre, he is not as well known, and thus he must wear the varsity jacket as a way of telling people who he is and bringing attention to himself. People do not know who Colin is, and thus he uses his status as a football player and makes it a key aspect of his personality. As a queer character in the South, this can also be read as Colin hiding his identity and attempting to fit into a heteronormative society, so that he is not discriminated against or outwardly attacked like the other minorities (black students) at the school. 

As if the costumes were not telling enough, the lighting which is used throughout the play and in certain moments of tension are used to emphasize the isolation of characters like Colin, by either illuminating more or less of the stage as they saw fit. Throughout the performance, there was an emphasis on the tree as the centerpiece of the stage, which appeared to have words scrawled on the brick seats which characters periodically sat under, although only became visible under specific lighting conditions. Music and sounds were also an important piece of the play, something which the two other performances I watched struggled to execute well. However, with scenes such as the cafeteria fight or protest, in which both the lighting and sound were crucial for their execution in a meaningful manner. Without the proper practice, the protest scene especially- which relied on the sounds of police sirens and the echoing of the actors pieces as well as specific lighting to only illuminate certain features of the actors, making it difficult to tell who was who, would have fallen apart. Harris’ flawless execution of these elements allows for the audience to connect with the themes of this play in a way which allows them to see their importance and value acted out on stage, an interpretation of what occurs when racism is left unchecked and how community organization is key in preventing institutional injustices.

Summary and Conclusion

The way in which an audience is able to see characters interact with one another, underscored by exceptional lighting and music which Harris’ was capable of executing in “Blood at the Root” are crucial for their understanding of the play itself. If an audience member is unable to understand a character’s motivations in a way that is not just told to them outright, even though the element of telling is certainly important, it leaves them unable to connect with the characters. Unless the goal of the performance is to represent characters who are completely disconnected from the human experience, having a disconnect between the characters and the audience is a detriment to the production itself, often leaving the audience unable to determine what the play was about or its significance in the slightest. 

Thus, this thorough dissection of character through their dialogue, dress, as well as the intersections of lighting and music with those elements is necessary to grasp the complex themes of “Blood at the Root” and how it can be seen through the characters themselves, as well as the story. Colin’s apparent struggle with his internalized homophobia in a heteronormative society, and Justin’s disconnect from other black students shape their actions throughout the play, with the audience able to see how these injustices impact Justin, pushing him further away from his peers, and Colin’s fear of being put into a similar situation as the black students, putting him more on guard and defensive about his own identity, resulting in his punching of De’Andre. These moments in the story are crucial for the audience as much as they are for the characters, as we are able to witness in real-time how these events affect every member of a community, both directly and indirectly, all in different ways. 

Works Cited

Laws, Page. “SUBSCRIBER ONLY Harrowing, Spellbinding ‘Blood at the Root’: ODURep Play Draws on History and ‘Strange Fruit.’” Pilot, The Virginian-Pilot, 15 Nov. 2023, www.pilotonline.com/2023/11/15/harrowing-spellbinding-blood-at-the-root-odurep-play-draws-on-history-and-strange-fruit/. 

“Meet the Cast of Blood at the Root! ‘School Pictures’ of 8 Cedar High Students[…].” Instagram, ODU Rep Theatre, 8 Nov. 2023, www.instagram.com/p/CzZsgJCu9j7/?img_index=8. 

“More by Morisseau: A Dominique Morisseau Chronology of Works.” Marin Theatre Company, 2023, www.marintheatre.org/productions/skeleton-crew/more-by-morisseau-a-dominique-morisseau-chronology. 

“Professor Shows Theater’s Power to Transform.” Old Dominion University, Nov. 2023, ww1.odu.edu/al/news/2023/11/professor_shows_thea.html. 

CIA Triad – What is Authentication vs. Authorization?

Cybersecurity

The CIA triad is a set of principles aimed at shaping business information security policies. These principles include confidentiality, integrity, and availability, which rely on understanding authentication and authorization, two necessary security features. This write-up will broadly explain the importance of these three topics and how they correspond.

CIA Triad Debrief

         Chai (2023) defines the CIA triad as “a model designed to guide policies for information security (infosec) within an organization.” As such, it is a foundational piece of cybersecurity. The Triad consists of confidentiality, integrity, and availability, which guide businesses in protecting their information. Thus, it is crucial to understand each of these components and examples of their use so that a person can enhance both their professional and personal development. 

Confidentiality

The first of these three components, confidentiality, pertains to protecting sensitive information. This information can include military operations, customer data, or finances. Confidentiality is important, regardless of a person or organization’s level of security, there is always sensitive information to protect. Thus, as Chai (2023) puts it, data can be “classified according to the amount and type of damage that could be done if it fell into the wrong hands.” This is especially prevalent in the working world, in which companies have hordes of customer information that foreign countries may try to obtain. As such, many companies require various elements of barriers to access information. Security measures such as two-factor authentication, fingerprint or facial recognition, and PINs are all examples of this. 

Integrity

The second piece of the triad, integrity, is far more difficult to explain. Unlike confidentiality, integrity has to do with the technical elements of data. Chai (2023) cuts the more complicated jargon out of its definition, simplifying their explanation into; “the consistency, accuracy, and trustworthiness of data must be maintained over its entire lifecycle.” Although this is still dense, essentially integrity refers to consistently protecting sensitive data. In practice, integrity manifests itself as managing who has access to files and ensuring that they cannot be altered by everyone. Other examples of this can be seen within applications such as Google Docs, where document owners are given a detailed revision history, including timestamps.

Availability

The third and final piece of the CIA triad is availability, which includes a very clear distinction from integrity. With integrity, the main purpose is to ensure that unauthorized individuals cannot access or alter sensitive information. Availability, on the other hand, has to do with allowing authorized individuals, as Chai (2023) puts it, “to consistently and readily access information.” This is important because to ensure data integrity, it must be possible for authorized individuals to periodically monitor the information on demand. By doing so, all three aspects of the CIA triad can be implemented. Examples of availability are best represented when it comes to system hardware maintenance. These periods are usually accompanied by information being temporarily unavailable, and as such, maintenance must occur swiftly to ensure the availability of data. Similarly, ensuring that there are backup safeguards during periods of unexpected downtown (such as outages) is equally important for availability.

Authentication

         Authentication, often shortened to just (AuthN), is a security process which, according to OneLogin (2023) “verifies that someone or something is who they say they are.” Authentication comes in many forms, including ones that extend outside of the cybersecurity and technology field. Without a better explanation, it is simply responsible for making sure that whatever person or system is what they claim to be. There are hundreds of examples of authentication, however, the simplest is seen when trying to access a phone or computer; the prompting of password input. It is a simple, yet effective way to verify an individual’s identity that has only gotten easier as technology advances. The major difference between authentication and authorization is that authentication gives a user the ability to enter a system, whereas authorization limits what the user can do within that system.  

Authorization

         Very similar to authentication, authorization is commonly used with 4 letter shorthand (Authz), however despite the apparent similarities, it provides a very different function. As OneLogin (2023) explains, “[authorization] determines a user or service’s level of access.” Authorization is slightly less common than authentication, seeing as it does not often extend to people’s personal lives. However, it is still very important to understand, especially when it comes to military or government environments. Even within a standard business, there are typically separations for “users” and “administrators.” As a student employee, for example, individuals are permitted to log into and access employee desktops and emails, however, this access is still heavily limited to the required functions. Primarily, this is an integral function, although confidentiality certainly plays a part. The information communicated between employees, if leaked, has the potential to put the system at risk. Thus, it is tightly controlled through limited authorization.

Conclusion

Although authentication and authorization are very different, they are equally important as they pertain to the CIA triad. Authorization is primarily taken into account when it comes to confidentiality, as it determines the level of access a user has. Authentication, although also important to confidentiality, is much more so when it comes to integrity. This is because it is primarily responsible for verifying a user’s identity, thus keeping unauthorized users from accessing information. Overall, the CIA triad is a crucial pillar of information security.

References

Chai, W. (2023, December). CIA Triad (Confidentiality, Integrity and Availability). WhatIs.com; TechTarget.https://www.techtarget.com/whatis/definition/Confidentiality-integrity-and-availability-CIA?jr=on

OneLogin. (2023). Authentication vs. authorization: What’s the difference? | Onelogin. www.onelogin.com.https://www.onelogin.com/learn/authentication-vs-authorization#:~:text=Authentication%20and%20authorization%20are%20two

Institutional Injustices Within the Child Welfare System

Sociology

Institutional Injustices Within the Child Welfare System

Elysium C. McCullough

Old Dominion University

SOC 201 S An Introduction To Sociology

Professor Phil Austin

12/06/2023

Institutional Injustices Within the Child Welfare System

Background, History, and Scope

In the United States, the child welfare system and its child protective services have had a long history of differential and oftentimes unequal treatment towards ethnic minorities within the system, starting from the cases which social workers choose to investigate. This paper, with the assistance of peer-reviewed research, aims to analyze the research through a macro lens rooted in functionalist and conflict perspectives in order to answer three major questions regarding the child welfare system (CWS).

The CWS is a multi-faceted institution which can be broken down into four distinct steps: reporting, substantiation, out-of-home placement, and reunification. This process can be extremely traumatic for a child, who oftentimes are already familiar with or actively in a high-stress situation. Thus, it is important this process is as accommodating and unbiased for the children within the system as possible. The ultimate purpose of this institution is to maintain the safety and well-being of children, however there are often instances within the process that this is overlooked. As a result, flaws emerge within the system, sometimes making it an unsafe environment for children, particularly those of ethnic minorities (i.e. African American, Hispanic/Latinx). 

As it pertains to ethnicity; “Black, Native American or Indigenous, and Latino families and families of low socioeconomic status have higher rates of child welfare involvement compared to their representation in the general population” (e.g., Derezotes et al. 2004; Sedlak et al. 2010; Feely and Bosk, 2021). This overrepresentation of minorities within the system is one of the first red flags that are present within the CWS, with Feely and Bosk attributing this overrepresentation to a structural racial bias. They are not the first to accuse the CWS of this bias, however, with many scholars choosing to investigate the system’s methods and statistics as they pertain to the ethnic makeup of children at different points in the system. 

Historically, in states like Ohio, Marian Morton (2000), identifies how the CWS has disproportionately included black children in Cleveland, making up a resounding “67 percent of children kept at the center” in 1997 (p. 141). As if this statistic were not grim as it was, with more than half of the children in the Cleveland system being black, that does not even mention the fact that they were being kept in a detention facility, as there was not enough space in the orphanages, with the space that was available being reserved for white children (Marian Morton, p. 148). 50 years prior, a nonprofit with the goal of supporting CWS had criticized Cleveland for the “racial inequalities” (Marian Morton, p. 150) that were present within its CWS. However, as the data suggests, this had little to no impact on the injustices that were occurring, despite public opinion being against it. Ohio, although it is a much more recent example, is not the only culprit of these racial biases. In the 1800’s, it was common practice for Native American children to be placed with white, European settler families who were responsible for their assimilation. These children were intentionally separated from their families and placed with a more “suitable” family. 

These historical injustices are not a thing of the past, as current research and activism suggests, and thus the purpose of this paper comes to light. When it comes to the child welfare system, there are clear, identifiable injustices which are not up for debate. However, by focusing specifically on the racial and ethnic injustices the paper raises the following questions: 1). How do race and ethnicity disproportionately reflect the shortcomings of the CWS? 2). Are the challenges faced by the children within the CWS also faced by their families? 3). And finally, are the injustices present within the CWS reflected on an institutional level? 

Literature Review

“Acknowledging racial bias in child welfare reveals the need to radically transform the system from one that relies too much on punitive disruption of families to one that generously supports them” (Roberts, 2014, p. 1). By focusing on racial bias, poverty, the disproportionate effects of overrepresentation in the CWS, Roberts sets up a firm conflict perspective in her paper. As mentioned in the introduction, many researchers, including Feely and Bosk (2021) have identified this bias within the CWS which leads to overrepresentation. However, the difference between these researchers is that Roberts focuses her research on the effects of these biases. By analyzing the effect on families, one can broaden their understanding of just what this means for many children who are involved in the CWS. The harsh reality, as Roberts illustrates in her research, is that the families of the children almost always are blamed for the child’s involvement in the system, both by the children and the state (2014). This blame, although not unfounded, shows a lack of awareness and reflection on the part of the system, which is able to present itself as incapable of error. This sort of perception is a dangerous one to have, for an institution as large as the CWS is to not admit to its mistakes can only lead to more mistakes being made, with the parents being forced to take the blame. However, as a third party, this paper is able to acknowledge the CWS mistakes. Particularly, as they pertain to minorities. One of these such mistakes can be identified in how “black children are less likely than white children to be placed in out of home care for neglect rather than physical or sexual abuse, [however] black children are less likely to be reunited with their parents” (Chen and Hislo, 2007; Roberts 2014, p. 428). Essentially, regardless of the severity of the issue which resulted in a black child being in the CWS, they are more often separated from their families. This is a mistake which cannot be easily justified by a factor other than racial bias. This is further supported by Simons (2017), who claims that “black children are more likely to be forcibly removed from their homes, more likely to be investigated, and remain in the system for longer” (p. 348). By looking at these two pieces of information side-by-side, it is easier to draw conclusions about the CWS treatment of ethnically minority children, especially black children, considering the frequent removal of them from their homes. Home removal is a serious step taken by CPS, and it is often “reserve[d] … in case of emergencies” (Simons, 2017) however in instances regarding black children, they are often “removed without prior reasoning” (Simons, 2017, p. 349). As to why this may be the case, and racial bias has already been mentioned, it is important to be more specific and thus pose the question: What does racial bias look like in the CWS? For one, this could be rooted in how “stereotypical black men and women don’t fit … [as] a ‘model’ family”  (Simons, 2017, p. 353). This idea of African Americans not fitting into the stereotype of a model family is not a new concept, seeing as the traditional “nuclear” family was a two-parent, white, middle-class household. However it is even more damning today, with factors such as poverty being a primary determinant in terms of mistreatment.

Poverty in the United States is a growing issue, with a rate of poverty over 10% in the past year. However, when this factor is a determinant for whether a child is removed from their home or not, that number quickly becomes frightening. Even though it is not surprising that income inequality is a factor in these home removals, according to Roberts (2014) “[The CWS] hides the systemic reasons for poor families’ hardships by primarily attributing them to parental deficits and pathologies that require therapeutic remedies rather than social change” (Roberts, 2014). This issue is something which Feely and Bosk (2021) address in their article as well, with how the CWS has attempted to take a race-blind approach to their processes. However, as they brought up, it is impossible to truly eliminate race and race-related factors from any social equation. This, in a way, is identifiable through the sociological scapegoat theory, and why the philosopher Rawls “veil of ignorance” theory falls short. Race is an issue which is deeply embedded in our society, especially in America, and as long as there is some dominant group it will bar the subordinate group from achieving equality. Thus, seeing as “African American kids are almost 3 times as likely to live in poverty as white children, and over six times more likely to to live in impoverished neighborhoods” (Simons, 2017, p. 352) it should come as no surprise that “poverty has been found to be the main factor of maltreatment … especially common in African American families and neighborhoods” (Simons, 2017, p. 352). This attempt at a race-blind approach within the CWS, as illustrated by the data provided in terms of its relation to poverty, is clearly failing children of ethnic minorities, as presented by the disproportionate numbers of  not only African American children, which amounted to “nearly 60,000” in 2016 (Simons, 2017, p. 350) but also Hispanic children, which “has more than doubled in the last 20 years” (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1997, 2018; Simons 2017, p. 202). 

In lieu of a race-blind approach, Feely and Bosk (2021) present a “structural risk perspective”. They identify that the inequalities within the CWS are a result of not only systemic inequalities, but also “biased decision-making” (Feely and Bosk, p. 52). And thus, the only way to identify and work towards solving the inherent inequalities within the system, these biases must be acknowledged, as “structural racism is systemic in nature, perpetuated through social institutions” (Feely and Bosk, p. 58). And thus, Feely and Bosk are able to continue and identify “risk” the primary tool of identification for maltreatment within the CWS as a tool which perpetuates “systemically racist social structures such as redlining, lack of equal access to education, and lack of equal access to capital which then in turn creates racially situated economic conditions” (Feely and Bosk, p. 58). This ties back into the original point of poverty, which has been manufactured by racist government policies intended to keep minorities oppressed, which is then enacted upon by the CWS as a means of enforcing minorities’ places in society. They are forced into poverty by an oppressive government and then are presented as a “risk” to their children which are then taken from them. All of this ties into the idea of a self-fulfilling prophecy, specific roles are assigned to these minorities which are then enforced by the institutions which assigned them, punishing them for filling that role. 

This can also be seen within the prison system, seeing as how “between 1986 and 1991, black women in the prison system for drug offenses rose by 828%” (Richie, 2002; Roberts, 2014, p. 141). If that were not bad enough, many children who end up in CWS, which had in some places originated as detention facilities (Marian Morton, 2000) also end up in the prison system themselves. This is often a result of behavioral issues which are developed through socialization by peers within the CWS, the negative environments which they were raised in, and/or separation from their families. Ultimately, a cycle of repetition unfolds, in which these children may not necessarily be labeled “deviant” by the CWS as an institution, however often their parents are labeled as such, and in-turn often internalize that label and accept it for themselves as an extension of their family. Once they have accepted that label, if they do not end up in the prison system, there is a chance that one of two things occur. The first is that these children become hypervigilant and oppressive as adults towards their children, as a way to keep them out of the CWS. Or, they end up repeating the same behaviors or in the same situation their family did, as a result of being unable to achieve a status higher than what they were born into. Ultimately, this is a reflection of how the CWS as an institution disenfranchises children of ethnic and racial minorities, and the need for reform, using Feely and Bosk’s structural risk approach as a guide to do so.

Current Societal Example

In 2011, Paul Abbott and John Wells’ TV series Shameless aired for the first time. This show centered around a mixed-race household run by 21 year-old Fiona Gallagher, oldest of six children. Not only does this show present a non-nuclear household, with a single adult and five younger children, and the adult not even being a biological parent; but it also is openly critical of the child welfare system.  As a mixed-race family living in the southside of Chicago, they are at higher risk to be targeted by CPS, and without a competent legal guardian the risks associated with a visit are quite steep. It is a constant threat in their lives, with the separation of their non-nuclear family being emotionally damaging, more so than any perceived challenges on behalf of CPS. 

In season 3, episode 7 of the series which originally aired on March 3rd, 2013 the Gallagher’s worst fear comes to life. CPS arrives at their house, separating the children and sending them off to different foster homes after witnessing a scene of pure chaos. Throughout this episode, and the series as a whole the CWS is demonized, with one side character warning; “be careful, Frank. Those child-stealing liberal bastards are out for blood” (Macy and Hissirch, 2013). As the audience, quotes such as these leave a very firm impression of the CWS as an oppressive institution which has the goal of separating all children from their families. Within this episode specifically, despite the dramatization for television, there are very accurate issues represented as well. These include a “preference” for younger children, especially infants in foster homes. The younger children are, the more likely they are to be placed into “caring” homes. As for the older children, much like in Shameless, they are placed in homes, such as the ones mentioned in Morton (2000), that are not only gendered into “boys” and “girls”, but operate similarly to juvenile detention centers with tight curfews, poor treatment, and a general lack of freedom. 

Shameless is not the only media to present the inequalities of the CWS, with movies such as The Blind Side and Instant Family showcasing the often uninformed placement of children and teenagers with foster families. Although each of these are very unique, they represent how social workers apart from the CWS often overlook many factors when deciding temporary home arrangements, almost always opting for the middle or upper middle class two parent households. These decisions are primarily motivated by the race and economic status of the families, biases which tend to be overlooked due to how they appear on paper. This is because one of the many factors which go into deciding on whether or not a household is suitable for foster children is income. On paper, this makes sense, a family must have adequate resources to support one or more children. However, when other socioeconomic factors such as education and ability (to achieve) are considered; white families are the ones which are most likely to fit the standards for raising a foster child. This is a fact that has been true for centuries, seeing as how Native American children were placed with white European families in the 1800’s. 

Synopsis

Overall, this paper has analyzed a variety of different sources in an attempt to gain an understanding about the CWS as a whole, while focusing on the injustices present within it, taking a macro scale approach. While there was a focus on African American children, Hispanic children were also mentioned briefly in an attempt to gain a more nuanced understanding of how it affected minorities as a whole, not just one. Through the research, as well as the current television and movie examples provided at the end, I was able to get an understanding of this system from not only the public conception, but also from detailed researchers. It was fascinating to dive into the historical injustices and how poverty especially is a major influence in terms of what is considered a “risk” as well as the institutional biases which came with it. Coming into this paper I was familiar with the racial injustices from a government/policy perspective, however I was able to now analyze  it through an entirely different lens, revealing a lot more about how the CWS functions as an institution. I would say although they may not have been addressed directly throughout the paper, the research questions which I posed were at the very least supported by the research done, if not outright answered. In the future, I would like to focus more on the CWS to prison pipeline, to see how those two institutions are linked. To conclude, I would cite the structural risk perspective as the primary method through which social workers within the CWS approach their cases in the least racially biased way possible. From the research I conducted, it is the most straightforward “solution” or at least path of progress as it pertains to “fixing” the child welfare system.

References

Davidson, R. D., Morrissey, M. W., & Beck, C. J. (2019). The Hispanic experience of the Child Welfare System. Family Court Review, 57(2), 201–216. https://doi.org/10.1111/fcre.12404

Ezell, J. M. (2019). First, do no harm to self: Perspectives around trauma-informed practice and secondary traumatic stress among Rural Child Protective Services Workers. Journal of Child Custody, 16(4), 387–407. https://doi.org/10.1080/15379418.2019.1687061

Feely, M., & Bosk, E. A. (2021). That which is essential has been made invisible: The need to bring a structural risk perspective to reduce racial disproportionality in child welfare. Race and Social Problems, 13(1), 49–62. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12552-021-09313-8

Macy, W., & Hissrich, M. (2013, March 3). A Long Way From home. Shameless. episode. 

Morton, M. J. (2000). Institutionalizing inequalities: Black children and child welfare in Cleveland, 1859-1998. Journal of Social History, 34(1), 141–162. https://doi.org/10.1353/jsh.2000.0119

Roberts, D. E. (2014). Child protection as surveillance of African American families. Journal of Social Welfare and Family Law, 36(4), 426–437. https://doi.org/10.1080/09649069.2014.967991Simons, K. B. (2018). Catalyzing the separation of black families: A critique of foster care placements without prior judicial review. Columbia Journal of Law & Social Problems, 51(3), 349–389.